Holy Roman Empire-Chapter 1066 - 80: The Excuse That Presents Itself
Chapter 1066 -80: The Excuse That Presents Itself
“Fools miss opportunities, the wise seize them, and the successful create them; opportunities are only for those who are prepared.”
Since they wanted to withdraw from France, the Tsarist Government naturally wouldn’t be held back by a mere “excuse.”
To withdraw without causing a backlash from the Anti-French Alliance, there was only one way out, war. Only if the Russian Empire and a third country went to war would the Tsarist Government have a sufficient reason to withdraw troops without being criticized by other countries.
One look at the map would show that the neighbors of the Russian Empire were few, and those in Europe were tough nuts to crack. The British in South Asia were also not to be trifled with—the easy targets lay to the east.
Before the Tsarist Government could find an opportunity to fabricate a pretext for war, someone else delivered the excuse to their doorstep. A “Declaration of War to All Countries” crossed the seas into Europe, and before the countries of Europe could react, the Tsarist Government took the lead and declared they would accept the challenge.
There was no choice but to acknowledge it; even those accustomed to self-destruction had not seen such a fervent embrace of it.
...
Fortunately, this was just a farce—the declaration of war was only circulated internally and not handed over to the envoys of the nations, thus not constituting a real declaration. Otherwise…
Whether it made legal sense or not was unimportant; the Russians only needed a pretext to exploit, and the Far Eastern Empire just so happened to deliver it to them.
As for whether or not to fight, exactly how to fight, and to what extent, the Tsarist Government probably hadn’t figured it out yet.
The subsequent events are obvious without saying—the Far Eastern Empire was in for misfortune this time. The Russians led the charge, the British naturally wouldn’t sit idle, and the Japanese, needless to say.
The butterfly effect had begun, troubling Italy, Germany, and the Austria-Ferocious Three Countries. America was split in two, and who knew how many countries would end up forming an allied force—this question could probably only be asked of God.
…
The new Foreign Minister, Leo Frankel, “Your Majesty, yesterday afternoon, the Tsarist Government declared war on the Far Eastern Empire and at the same time sent us an invitation…”
Before the Foreign Minister could finish speaking, Franz interrupted, “Directly reject them. The international situation is rapidly changing; we may find ourselves fighting with the British any day now.
The Empire doesn’t have the strength to contend with the British in the Far Eastern region. To divert our attention to the Far Eastern Empire at this time would not be the act of the wise.
Pay close attention to the next moves of the Tsarist Government. If they plan to withdraw from France, make sure to hold them back for two months, to buy time for the formation of a peacekeeping force.”
The rationale was somewhat far-fetched, but indeed, the strategic core of Shinra wasn’t in East Asia. Such densely populated areas were not Shinra’s expansion targets.
By contrast, France’s significance was much higher. Regardless of France’s current state of disrepair, considering the French’s illustrious history, the Vienna Government neither dared to take them lightly.
“Your Majesty, the Tsarist Government has already announced withdrawal plans. Using the necessity of war as a pretext, the Russians have decided to draw 220,000 troops from France.
After this plan is implemented, the total number of Russian troops stationed in France will decrease from the current 270,000 to 50,000.
We have already received the diplomatic communiqué, and Allied Command will probably receive it soon, too; now it just waits for implementation.
Of course, if we ask to delay the withdrawal for two months, the Tsarist Government should give us that courtesy.”
Foreign Minister Leo Frankel reminded him slightly awkwardly.
The war provided the Tsarist Government with a pretext to withdraw troops. Not withdrawing all at once suggested that the Tsarist Government still wanted to keep up appearances within the Anti-French Alliance and not sever all ties.
Since it didn’t want to break all ties, the Vienna Government’s request for a two-month delay in the Russian withdrawal naturally wouldn’t be an issue.
Regardless, it involved more than two hundred thousand troops. To withdraw so many personnel and equipment from France to the Russian Empire without Shinra’s cooperation could take the Tsarist Government a year and a half to complete.
For the Holy Roman Empire, it was clearly beneficial not to have the Russian troops fully withdraw.
There always had to be someone to do the dirty, thankless tasks. As long as you paid enough money, the Russian soldiers wouldn’t fear taking the blame.
Having this professional team to take the blame was of great help in maintaining the international image of the Holy Roman Empire.
Franz did not believe that with the departure of the Russian Army, the French would welcome the Shinra Army. Although the discipline of the Shinra Army might be somewhat better, centuries of deep-seated animosity between the two nations couldn’t be dissolved overnight.
Without needing to think about it, Franz knew that petty grievances, “old sesame seeds and rotten millet grains,” would be dredged up again.
Even if the French had no intention of dwelling on the past, the British would be there to awaken their dormant hatred and stir up conflicts.
History had proven that hatred couldn’t be quelled by appeasement alone; in most cases, bayonets were far more reliable.
Franz dared not hope to win over the hearts of the French in France. As long as he could stabilize the situation and prevent the French from complicating his own pursuits in the looming hegemonic struggle, that would suffice.
…
London
The resurgence of tensions in the Far East was undoubtedly good news for the British Government. After receiving this joyous tidbit, Prime Minister Robert Cecil perked up.
It had been a while since he’d felt this thrilled—except for his first day in office, he had never been so content.
There was no helping it; the international situation had been too unfriendly towards Britain. Gazing across the Channel at the Continental Alliance, Robert Cecil had nothing but sighs to offer.
Despite all his calculations and strategies, he’d only delayed Shinra’s consolidation of the European Continent; he hadn’t solved the root issue.
One had to admit the powerful influence of geopolitical forces. As the epoch-defining overlord of Europe, as long as Shinra was not beset by mass defections, the European nations would be compelled to draw closer.
It was no longer a matter of interests, but a fundamental question of survival. In the brutal international competition, small countries had no choice but to ally with the powerful.
Of course, these fair-weather friends were minor annoyances at best, useful for flag-waving and cheering, but their actual value was still very limited.
What truly worried Britain was the Russian-Austrian Alliance. Without dismantling this powerful combination, Britain’s future involved naval clashes with Shinra and land battles against the Russian-Austrian forces.
At sea, Prime Minister Robert Cecil was unafraid: the Royal Navy could stand up to anyone alone. But on land, it was a tragedy—they couldn’t afford to suffer there.
Finally, there seemed to be a glimmer of hope. Regardless of the reasons for Russia’s eastward push, it had somewhat eased Britain’s pressures in the Indian region.
In defense of India, the British Government had spared no effort or expense in training colonial armies, and even the declining Persian Empire had received British support.
They had no lofty expectations of the Persians; if only the Persian Empire could hold on for a little longer and prevent the Shinra Army from steamrolling its way to India, that would suffice.
National strategic decisions were never made lightly. Since the Tsarist Government had chosen to strike the Far Eastern Empire at this point, Russia’s eastward strategy was practically set in stone.
The next issue was how to deal a serious blow to the Russians in the east, to escape the quandary of multi-front warfare, and ultimately break up the Russian-Austrian Alliance, finally drawing the Russians to their side.
The plan was complex and its implementation difficult, with a rather low chance of success.
However, having a plan was better than not having one at all. At this stage, for Britain to continue its hegemony, wooing Russia was the only path left.
The Russian Empire at its peak was clearly immovable. Coveting India and salivating over it, Robert Cecil did not dare to conspire with the Russian bear.
Under these circumstances, it was necessary to weaken Russia a bit and instill a sense of crisis in the Tsarist Government.
It was much the same strategy as in the original timeline. Before the Russo-Japanese War, Anglo-Russian tensions were high and German-Russian relations fairly good. After the war, German-Russian relations rapidly deteriorated, while Anglo-Russian tensions eased.
Despite France’s mediation efforts, the fundamental reason was that the Tsarist Government felt threatened by the Germans. Mere loans were insufficient to bring the Tsarist Government to heel.
After all, defaulting on debts wasn’t anything new. If the ancestors could do it, why couldn’t Nicholas II?
Nowadays, it was even more apparent – the fact that past Tsars sought to break free from reliance on Vienna showed that the Russians felt tangible pressure.
The survival of the relationship between the two countries was partly due to the Russian-Austrian Alliance, providing them with security and deeply entwined interests, not so easily untied; on the other hand, the proximity of India and the greed that overcame fear.
Once the Tsarist Government was beaten by society and realized they did not possess the strength to conquer India, reality defeated their greed, and they certainly should have felt fear.
The result of fear was naturally to seek solidarity with others. As for completely relying on Shinra, that was utterly nonsensical.
Reliance is the ploy of small countries; even if a major power could swallow their pride and rush over, who would dare trust them?
If Britannia fell, then the relationship between the Russian Empire and the Holy Roman Empire would be like that between the second and first powers of the world.
The world’s runner-up relying on the leader, it looked discordant however one viewed it.
Historically, the second power has always been the target of oppression; there had never been an exception. Why should the Tsarist Government believe the Vienna Government would show them mercy?
Based merely on the traditional friendship between the two countries?
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A politician is not an idealist; when making decisions, their thoughts naturally gravitate towards worst-case scenarios. Hence the stories of the world’s second and third powers banding together to stand against the foremost power.
Frankly, Prime Minister Robert Cecil was deeply skeptical about England and Russia warming up to each other.
After all, the antagonism between England and Russia was equally sharp; even if they came together temporarily under the pressure from Shinra, it would be difficult to truly work closely.
But reality is ruthless; without France as the lead enforcer, Britannia’s arrangements on the European Continent were missing a piece, and strategically they had fallen into complete passiveness.
Regardless of the reliability of an Anglo-Russian partnership, the British Government had no choice. It was better for the two countries to band together and share the pressure than to go at it alone.
Now that there was a glimmer of hope, it certainly needed to be celebrated. However, since it was still work hours, to avoid giving competitors anything to latch onto, Robert Cecil had to momentarily suppress his restless heart.
“The international situation finally shifted, and before we could make a move, the Russians jumped in themselves. The next problem is how to whittle them down.
The Russian Empire might be powerful, but the forces they can deploy in the Far East are extremely limited.
Not to mention that the Siberian Railway is not yet in service; even if it were, this problematic railway couldn’t support many troops in combat.
The issue now is that the Far Eastern Empire has a certain strength, but their government is too corrupt to have the courage to fight the Russians.
To deal a heavy blow to the Russians in the Far Eastern region, relying solely on them is clearly insufficient; we must have more pieces on the board, and the Japanese can’t keep sitting idle.”
As it turns out, pies don’t just fall from the sky for no reason, and if they do, they’re usually poisoned.
The Central Asia Railway, funded by the Vienna Government, had quality issues; the Siberian Railway, covertly supported by the British, was riddled with traps.
Maybe it wasn’t a big deal during normal use, but as soon as the freight volume increased, it would quickly make the Tsarist Government understand that railways can be temperamental too.
This was inevitable. If no traps were set to bottleneck the logistics, should the Russian plans succeed, wouldn’t the British Government be shooting itself in the foot?
The Far Eastern region is Britannia’s sphere of influence, after all. John Bull doesn’t do self-sacrificial favors.
Foreign Minister Cameron: “Prime Minister, it’s still a bit early to act. With the Siberian Railway not in operation, the Russians can’t project their power there.
Just the riffraff in the Far East region, even if annihilated, wouldn’t harm the vitality of the Russians.
Perhaps seeing the difficulty in advancing eastwards, the Russians might shrink back and pick up their strategy of advancing south again, which would be troublesome.
To better lure the enemy, for the short term, it’s best to let the Tsarist Government first taste victory. It just so happens that the Far Eastern Empire now…”
As the saying goes, “No pain, no gain.” Most people would be reluctant to sacrifice their own child; but if it’s someone else’s, the pressure isn’t the same.
In politics, friends and foes can change in an instant; just now, there was talk of supporting the Far Eastern Empire in a fight against the Russians, but in a moment’s notice, the decision was made to decisively sacrifice the interests of the Far Eastern Empire to lure the enemy deeper.
It was evident that Cameron had deeply understood the essence of British diplomacy. In the shortest time, he had shown the professional competence expected of a British Foreign Secretary.
Finance Minister Pavel: “Sir, you’re right, the Russians are now able to invest in the Far Eastern region but the quantity is indeed too small, simply not sufficient.
The Russian eastward strategy not only signifies the collapse of Vienna’s plan to divert disaster southward but also threatens Shinra’s dominance on land.
The Vienna Government would never just watch the Russians complete their Yellow Russia plan. Currently, they’re the ones least hoping for the Tsarist Government’s success, and we really don’t have to rush.
Regardless of whether the Russian-Austrian Alliance remains indissoluble, once there are signs of success in the Russian eastward strategy, the Vienna Government will inevitably act to suppress it.
Once they succeed in the first step, to try to take the second step, the Russians will find that the whole world is their enemy, especially their closest allies within.
At that time, even if the Russian-Austrian Alliance can barely maintain itself, it will be in name only, and our opportunity will come.
However, the Russians alone are not enough; to contend with the Holy Roman Empire, the Empire still needs more allies.”
When it came to the word “allies,” Prime Minister Robert Cecil felt a headache coming on. There was no choice; he inherited an economic boom and a mess in foreign affairs.
Though his predecessor was considered among the most capable of all British prime ministers, he led Britain to the brink of a cliff by underestimating the strength of France.
To think about remedies was wishful thinking. Since the establishment of the Continental Alliance, Britain’s room for diplomatic maneuvering had shrunk significantly.
After years of effort, Britain didn’t have a single true ally. Japan doesn’t count; it’s just an insignificant little brother, not yet qualified to be Britain’s ally.
Apart from the Russian Empire, Robert Cecil didn’t know who else to turn to, or who could be persuaded?
“Does the Foreign Office have any suggestions?”
Such complicated matters should be left to the professionals, although looking at the Foreign Minister’s bitter face, it didn’t seem like…
Foreign Minister Cameron replied with resignation: “We cannot count on the European nations; if they manage to stay neutral, that’s already a godsend. Our focus can only be on America.
There are many independent countries in America, but very few are powerful, and even fewer can be swayed by us.
Naturally, the most valuable potential ally is the United States of America, followed by the Confederate States. Unfortunately, these two are arch-enemies.
If we were to sway both, we’d probably have nothing else to do except mediate their relationship.
To pick one over the other could likely drive the other into the enemy’s arms. Given the Vienna Government’s diplomatic capabilities, there’s about a ninety percent chance of this happening.
Beyond these two adversaries, other countries like Mexico, Colombia, Argentina, Chile are also targets for our Foreign Office PR.
However, these nations all share one common feature—lack of strength. They can make some political noise, but relying on them for any major contribution is utterly impossible.
At best, they can distract the enemy and pose a threat to their colonies in America, but offer limited help to the overall situation.”
Britain played a significant role in the animosity between the United States and the Confederate States. Since the joint intervention by England, France, Austria, and Spain, the seeds for today’s opposition between the two countries had been sown.
When it comes to laying traps, Britain is a professional; France, Austria, and Spain, who joined hands back then, were also no slouches.
When the United States was divided between the North and South, the four nations, as arbitrators, simultaneously planted mines along the border.
Politically inexperienced leaders of the United States and the Confederate States were clearly unprepared for this move, and those specifically in charge were even more bewildered, as the Four-Nation Delegation was involved throughout.
As a result, the already deeply resentful North and South governments grew even more hostile after the war due to border issues.
If it hadn’t been for the excessively devastating war and the weak national cohesion within both, not to mention the numerous internal conflicts, they might have engaged in a second round of conflict.
In fact, if not for the outbreak of internal conflicts among the European powers, which relaxed their instigation of issues between North and South, the two governments might have already come to blows.
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