Blackstone Code-Chapter 387: Reaction
The President sat in the conference room wearing pajamas, showing his most disheveled side in front of everyone for the first time.
Not only him, but most others looked somewhat messy too—some had their zipper undone, some still had lipstick marks on their faces, and some had hair standing up high, as if defiantly resisting fate.
The President’s face was full of sorrow. He sat behind the desk with his arms crossed, feeling a chill despite it being midsummer.
Completely annihilating the Gephra Royal Navy fleet was a dream every country had once harbored. Now it had become reality—but also a source of fear.
This was no trivial matter. No one knew how furious the Emperor of Gephra would be. Perhaps it would spark a new round of war, which seemed the most likely outcome.
“Truman, give us some advice,” the President said, looking at Mr. Truman.
As the highest executive officer of the Federal International Policy/Affairs Research Office, Truman was the most authoritative on the matter. He had previously made accurate predictions on some international changes, boosting his credibility on professional issues.
Mr. Truman wasn’t wearing a tie. He had tried, but his silk tie was too fragile (referring to the material), or maybe the calluses on his hands from handling weapons had torn it, so he simply didn’t bother.
He appeared calm, which was perhaps the only piece of good news in the room.
“Mr. President, ministers…” He used ministers as a collective term, not having time to address each cabinet member individually, and no one present seemed offended.
“This war will not break out!” Truman’s tone was resolute, momentarily shocking everyone, but then the Finance Minister raised a doubt.
“Mr. Truman, what grounds do you have to say the war won’t break out? Our comprehensive negotiations with Gephra are still ongoing…” The Finance Minister was very concerned about the consequences of this upheaval.
Between the Baylor Federation and Gephra, many difficult details remained unresolved in negotiations.
Either Gephra’s demands were too harsh, or the Federation had to concede losses.
The Gephrans disliked the Federation, believing the end of the war coincided with the Federation abandoning isolationism—just to avoid wartime losses and still try to claim benefits.
Thus, many issues were stuck—not truly because of irreconcilable differences, but due to deliberate obstruction under the Emperor’s orders.
Before the naval battle, everyone there knew such a battle was coming. Some were worried, some pleased, but overall interests aligned.
Showing limited military strength to earn Gephra’s respect was everyone’s shared idea.
But unexpectedly, it wasn’t just a show of strength—it was total annihilation.
Reportedly, the Gephra Royal Navy even raised the white flag to surrender.
This was a grave insult. Now the problem wasn’t how to pressure Gephra outside negotiations but whether they would tear up treaties and declare war unilaterally. ℞ÂɴՕꞖΕ𝐒
Truman shook his head firmly again. “It won’t happen. I was startled when I first learned of this, but I quickly realized this naval battle won’t lead to war.”
“The myth of Gephra Royal Navy’s invincibility was broken by us. I heard the submarines and our new torpedoes performed well?” He had been briefed on the way here.
The Defense Minister nodded. This was likely one of the few pieces of good news tonight. “Their guardian battleship was sunk by our submarine and new torpedoes.”
“See!” Truman’s voice rose slightly. “The arrogant Gephra Royal Navy was defeated by our advanced military technology. Until they find a way to counter our submarines and new torpedoes, we have no reason to fear war!”
The room mostly exhaled in relief, acknowledging the truth of his words.
Though the Foreign Minister was a bit annoyed Truman outshone him before the President and colleagues, he had to admit Truman’s analysis was accurate.
Yet, to assert his own authority, he pointed out, “But Gephra isn’t just one person!”
He cleverly personified the nation to deepen his argument, “It has many allies, and if the Emperor is willing to sacrifice some interests, they might be tempted.”
Truman stared at the Foreign Minister for a moment—somewhat impolite—then turned to others before the minister could react. “Gentlemen, we just annihilated Gephra’s First Fleet. Although two battleships weren’t there, I believe even if they were, they couldn’t have escaped total destruction.”
“No one dares attack us now. As long as we show diplomatic strength—actively resisting threats—no one will risk standing with Gephra.”
“Gentlemen, humans are cunning and intelligent. Smart people stand with winners. And now, we are the winners!”
His commanding words silenced the room, soothing the anxious minds.
Gephra’s power had won it many allies, but those alliances were fragile, often just excuses to extort protection fees during wartime.
For example, Gephra demanded allies provide ports for fleet resupply and more materials to support their global operations.
Without strong military might, they wouldn’t have so many allies.
Now the Federation proved through one naval battle that they weren’t invincible. This was good for the world; at least the Federation was easier to deal with than Gephra.
Given the heavy losses in the last world war and unmet war goals, another war was unlikely soon—at most, diplomatic breakoffs.
Truman understood the international situation clearly, especially after six months working closely with Lynch. The principle of maximizing interests gave him a profound new insight.
The root of diplomatic behavior between nations was to gain more interests.
If interests don’t align with national development, no diplomacy happens. He was certain of this.
At that moment, more people began arriving at the Presidential Palace.
According to the Federation charter, every department’s top minister is assigned a detached house near the Palace upon taking office.
From leaving home to entering the Palace, the walk never exceeds ten minutes—preparedness for emergencies, to avoid problems like now if a responsible person can’t be found.
After their term ends, the government reclaims the house for the next minister. This system had existed for a long time.
Of course, not everyone lived near the Palace. Some, like Lynch, lived farther away.
As a special consultant to the Security Committee, actively involved in international politics, Truman immediately arranged to pick Lynch up when he learned of the situation.
Lynch always brought fresh perspectives, and they needed that now.
On the way to the Palace, Lynch learned from a remorseful Security Committee agent what had happened—the agents had forcibly broken in. Had they not identified themselves in time, a minor conflict could have erupted.
Lynch didn’t blame them. Breaking in was only justified if waiting wasn’t an option—something serious had happened.
After quickly changing his clothes, he got into the car headed for the Presidential Palace.
Passing through three security checkpoints, the vehicle stopped outside the Palace gates. Lynch stepped out and happened to see Mr. Wadrick standing on the steps.
They exchanged a glance—both surprised yet unsurprised.
Lynch, active in various radical salons, was well-known in certain circles. Wadrick’s financial consortium was involved in some defense projects, and he also served as a national security advisor.
After a brief nod, they entered the Palace together, not the place for conversation.
At three o’clock, the air at Eminence carried the dullness after a celebration. Lynch stood on the Palace steps, glanced back at the dark night, then turned inside.
Soon, the President changed into fresh clothes. Now, some special security advisors and prominent social figures were arriving, so the President had to ensure his attire was appropriate. They also moved to a larger conference room.
About ten minutes later, the President entered the room. The thoughtful attendees rose to show their respect.
Raising his hand to signal them to sit, the President said, “Please, ladies and gentlemen, I’ll be brief. We face a whistoric choice, and I need your advice!”
